When strategic concerns give way to pragmatic partnership – Firstpost
When Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected as the President of Sri Lanka on September 22, 2024, many in Indian strategic circles were deeply worried regarding the potential direction of his foreign policy. Given Dissanayake’s ideological background in Marxist-Leninist politics, there were apprehensions in New Delhi that his leadership might bring Colombo closer to Beijing — a shift that would directly undermine New Delhi’s strategic and security interests in the Indian Ocean region and beyond.
India’s concerns were not unfounded. Over the years, Beijing has strategically expanded its footprints in Sri Lanka through its BRI projects, strategic investments, and growing political engagement. Many of these projects, especially under the BRI, are believed to follow a civil-military fusion model, enabling both civilian and military use — raising legitimate security concerns for New Delhi.
Beijing has also been accused of employing debt-trap diplomacy and other predatory practices to gain control over strategic assets in vulnerable countries. The most notable example of this debt-trap diplomacy is the Hambantota Port in Sri Lanka itself, which was leased to China for 99 years after Colombo failed to meet its debt repayment obligations. This development enabled Chinese surveillance vessels to operate near India’s southern Coast, directly compromising India’s national security.
Despite, India’s repeated protests then, Chinese surveillance vessels such as the “Yuan Wang 5” docked at Hambantota under the guise of “replenishment,” operating dangerously close to India’s southern coastline, which hosts many of its key research institutions, space centres, defence installations, and vital maritime routes crucial for India’s strategic and economic interests.
New Delhi, which made significant investments in Sri Lanka, supported it during the Covid-19 pandemic and the economic crisis, and assisted in its debt restructuring with many multilateral lending institutions, was concerned that a pro-China shift under Dissanayake would erode years of diplomatic goodwill and jeopardise India’s national security.
However, President Dissanayake’s foreign policy moves have so far defied these initial apprehensions. After assuming office, he chose India for his first official foreign visit — an important gesture underscoring the significance attached to this vital bilateral relationship and reflecting a pragmatic, balanced approach. Since then, he has consistently reassured New Delhi of Sri Lanka’s sensitivity to its security concerns and has sought to strengthen mutual trust.
In a major boost to bilateral ties, President Dissanayake recently hosted Prime Minister Narendra Modi in what was widely regarded as a watershed moment in this relationship. Modi was welcomed with a grand ceremonial reception at the historic Independence Square in Colombo, personally received by President Dissanayake. This marked the first time such an honour was bestowed upon a foreign leader at this iconic venue, which commemorates Sri Lanka’s independence from British rule in 1948.
In a further gesture of deep appreciation, Prime Minister Modi was conferred with Sri Lanka’s highest civilian honour — the Sri Lanka Mitra Vibhushana. This award recognised Modi’s exceptional efforts in bolstering the ties between the two nations, highlighting the spiritual and cultural heritage of both countries. This gesture, as Dissanayake declared, was “a symbol of the enduring friendship and unwavering, multifaceted support that he Modi has consistently extended to Sri Lanka and its people”.
PM Modi, in his remarks, echoed the spirit of friendship, stating: “Tamil saint Thiruvalluvar said—what could be bigger protection against the enemy if not the shield of a true friend and his friendship?” He added, “President Anura Kumara Dissanayake had chosen India for his first foreign visit. Today, I am his first foreign guest here in Sri Lanka. It shows the depth of our special relationship. Sri Lanka has a special place in our Neighbourhood First policy and Mission SAGAR.”
The visit witnessed the signing of seven major agreements, including a significant five-year defence cooperation pact outlining a broader roadmap for deeper bilateral defence cooperation. This pact is referred to as an umbrella framework document that will make existing defence cooperation initiatives more structured. Both leaders emphasised the interconnected and interdependent nature of their security interests. “Sri Lanka will not allow its territory to be used in any manner that could threaten India’s security interests,” President Dissanayake reiterated.
Prime Minister Modi reciprocated this sentiment, expressing gratitude for Colombo’s sensitivity: “I am grateful to President Dissanayake for his sensitivity towards India’s interests.” Further elaborating on the assurance, Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri stated: “The President of Sri Lanka stated very clearly that Sri Lankan territory will not be used or be allowed to be used in any manner that is inimical or detrimental to India’s interests… neither Sri Lanka’s land nor the oceans around.”
Among the signed MoUs, energy cooperation stood out. India, Sri Lanka, and the UAE will jointly develop Trincomalee as a regional energy hub. A multi-product pipeline is also being planned to enhance regional energy connectivity. In a virtual ceremony, the two leaders laid the foundation stone for the 120 MW Sampur Solar Power Plant, a major step in Sri Lanka’s shift towards clean energy. “The Sampur Solar Power Plant will help in Sri Lanka’s energy security. All the people of Sri Lanka will benefit from the agreements signed for building a multi-product pipeline and developing Trincomalee as an energy hub,” Modi said.
The other agreements covered areas like health, digital infrastructure, grid connectivity, and multi-sectoral assistance for Sri Lanka’s Eastern Province. These initiatives are the result of ongoing discussions from President Dissanayake’s December 2024 visit to New Delhi.
Conclusion
The trajectory of India-Sri Lanka relations under President Dissanayake has marked a significant departure from the early apprehensions rooted in ideological concerns. Instead of drifting toward a China-centric foreign policy, Dissanayake has taken a pragmatic and balanced approach, emphasising regional stability and shared interests. His outreach to India, reflected in high-level visits, strategic agreements, and public reassurances, has reinforced mutual trust and opened new avenues for cooperation across different sectors including defense, energy, health, and digital infrastructure.
This expanding cooperation built on shared cultural values, civilisational heritage, and strategic convergence, demonstrates that ideological affiliations need not to constrain statecraft. Rather, it emphasises how regional partnerships, when built on mutual respect and sensitivity to each other’s security concerns, can act as powerful bulwark against external pressures, ensuring a stable and prosperous Indian Ocean region.
Dr Imran Khurshid is an Associate Research Fellow at the International Centre for Peace Studies (ICPS), New Delhi. He specialises in India-US relations, the Indo-Pacific studies, and South Asian security issues. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.
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