India walks tightrope in Afghanistan – Firstpost

Donald Trump has been sworn in as the President on January 20 and as promised, he has hit the ground running on Day 1 itself. While most of the Executive Orders signed on Day1 basically target the domestic audience and his poll promises, his promise of a larger American global vision is going to be watched keenly over the next few weeks.

Among some of his ‘left over issues’ of the global agenda from the previous term is the issue of Taliban in Afghanistan. While he had successfully got the Doha Peace Deal done with the Taliban in February 2020, the subsequent handling of the issue by the Biden administration and the hasty pullout by the US forces from Kabul in August 2021 had embarrassed the American public and had made the US look defeated by the Taliban. As Trump looks to ‘Make America Great Again’, there is no doubt that the Taliban government in Afghanistan would soon be his cross hairs. Speaking to reporters on the eve of his swearing in, he hinted that the good time that Taliban has enjoyed so far, mostly at the expense of aid from the US, may soon become conditional, adding that future financial assistance to Afghanistan will be contingent upon the return of US military equipment by the Taliban leaders currently in power.

Meanwhile, India is having a relook at its policy on engagement with the Taliban government in Afghanistan. The recent meeting between India’s Foreign Secretary, Vikram Misri, and Afghanistan’s acting Foreign Minister, Mawlawi Amir Khan Muttaqi, in Dubai on January 8, 2025, has drawn significant attention as the first high-level interaction between the two countries since the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021. While not the first instance of communication between the two sides, this meeting assumes broader significance in light of India’s stated policy on Afghanistan and regional developments, including challenges in its neighborhood and West Asia.

India and the Taliban

India has long considered the Taliban as a terror group and has accused it of fomenting terror in Kashmir in cahoots with Pakistani terrorist groups like Lashkar-e-Toiba. Even when the US wanted to distinguish between ‘good and bad Taliban’, India was very clear that there is no good or bad Taliban. There is only one Taliban, which is a terrorist group. The traumatic hijacking of Air India Flight IC-814 in 1999, orchestrated by the Taliban, left an indelible mark on India’s policy and public memory.

However, when Kabul fell to the Taliban in August 2021, signaling a failed US campaign in Afghanistan and proving yet again that ‘Afghanistan is the graveyard of empires,’ India waited patiently. While India refrained from recognizing the new regime, it adopted a measured approach, emphasizing its commitment to the Afghan people rather than the government.

The Taliban’s assurance of safe passage for Indian diplomatic staff and cooperation during evacuation flights marked a departure from its previously antagonistic posture. Subsequently, India established a technical team in Kabul in June 2022 to oversee humanitarian aid and protect ongoing developmental projects, a move underscoring pragmatic engagement despite the absence of formal recognition.

As a result, India was able to deliver critical life-saving humanitarian aid to the Afghan people. India has so far dispatched several aid shipments to Afghanistan consisting of 50,000 MTs of wheat, 300 tons of medicines, 27 tons of earthquake relief aid, 40,000 liters of pesticides, 100 million polio doses, 1.5 million doses of Covid Vaccine, and many other items to the aid of Afghan people. Significantly, India’s consignment of wheat came at a time when Afghanistan faced the threat of mass starvation.

The contacts and communication continued thereafter. In January 2024, India participated in Afghanistan’s Regional Cooperation Initiative meeting in Kabul which included representatives from 12 countries, including China, Russia, Pakistan, and Iran. In November 2024, an Indian delegation visited Kabul and met with acting Defense Minister Mullah Mohammad Yaqoob Mujahid. The delegation also met former President Hamid Karzai and the heads of UN agencies. It was soon followed by the Taliban regime appointing Ikramuddin Kamil as its its acting consul in Mumbai, which India accepted. Replying to a question in the Parliament in December 2024, Dr Jaishankar, the External Affairs Minister, acknowledged the diplomatic presence of Afghanistan in Delhi, Mumbai and Hyderabad, adding that India’s approach to Afghanistan continues to be guided by its historical relations, friendship with its people and relevant UN resolutions.

India, therefore, has made it clear that it never abandoned Afghanistan and that the contact as well as delivery of critical aid to the Afghan people has continued all through.

The broader regional context

The recent meeting in Dubai also needs to be seen in the broader context of regional developments. First, the toppling of the Sheikh Hasina government in Bangladesh in August 2024 was a major setback to India’s neighborhood policy. The fact that the new government under Muhammad Yunus has a clear Islamist agenda and is targeting Hindus in Bangladesh is an issue of concern to India. However, more than anything else, the close communication with the Pakistani establishment, especially the Army, is of more significant concern to India. Reports in late December 2024 indicated that Pakistan and Bangladesh have reached an agreement wherein the Pakistan Army will train the Bangladesh Army starting February 2025. This would mark the return of the Pakistan Army to Bangladesh for the first time since 1971, when they tasted bitter loss in the war with India for the liberation of Bangladesh. The fragile internal situation in Bangladesh, the government not being well disposed towards India, increasing influx of Hindu refugees from Bangladesh, and the possible Pakistan-Bangladesh collaboration have amplified security concerns for India.

The war in West Asia and the overthrow of Assad regime too has had significant effect. After all, the new dispensation in Syria is led by Abu Mohammad al Joulani of Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS) who has a terror background. He was a wanted terrorist with a bounty of US $ 10 Million on his head. However, the speed and manner in which the international community, especially the West, has embraced him is a surprise. It also sends a clear signal that the past roots of terrorism may not be relevant anymore in many dictionaries of the West. Therefore, should Taliban too stay untouchable and banned because of their past history and oppressive ways within Afghanistan is an interesting comparison.

The recent airstrikes by the Pakistan Air Force on December 24, 2024, targeting hideouts of the Pakistan Taliban, or TTP, in Paktika province of Afghanistan, resulted in around 45 civilians killed and drew sharp reactions from the international community. The Afghan Taliban responded by attacks across the Durand Line (border between Pakistan and Afghanistan), causing multiple casualties to the Pakistan army. Pakistan, which has often accused the Afghan Taliban of collaborating with the TTP and targeting Pakistani forces, has warned of escalation if Afghanistan does not rein in TTP and other groups targeting Pakistani forces. India on its part, was quick to stand in solidarity with the Afghan people and condemn the Pakistani airstrikes.

Principles Versus Pragmatism

India remains steadfast in its principled stance against the Taliban’s oppressive policies, particularly those targeting women and minorities. Furthermore, it has called for an inclusive government and adherence to international norms, aligning with United Nations resolutions. Despite these principles, India recognizes the necessity of engaging with the Taliban as Afghanistan’s de facto authority. India’s nuanced approach allows it to balance its principled opposition to terrorism and repression with its strategic interest in maintaining influence in Afghanistan.

Drawing a distinction between its engagement and recognition, India has made it clear that its outreach is guided by humanitarian and developmental priorities rather than political endorsement. India has also maintained that it is for the people and its government to find solution to their internal problems. Afghan people also realize that India’s help, unlike Pakistani assistance, has never had any strings attached to it, and it is out of genuine concern for Afghanistan and that India has always been there to help them in their hour of need, whether it was the earthquake, Covid-19, food scarcity etc.

Contrasting Approaches: India Vs Pakistan

India’s approach to Afghanistan stands in stark contrast to Pakistan’s. While Pakistan views Afghanistan from its desire for strategic depth and demands subservience from its government, India seeks a relationship rooted in mutual respect, unburdened by coercion or exploitation.

For India, ties with Afghanistan do not have a mandatory anti-Pakistan element. Yes, India would not accept Afghanistan soil being used for terror activities against India, but that is different from expecting a subservient regime, something that Pakistan looks for. For India, Afghanistan’s welfare transcends geopolitical rivalries, emphasizing the sovereignty of the Afghan people and ensuring their soil is not weaponized against India.

Conclusion

India’s delicate balancing act between principle and pragmatism underscores its commitment to fostering stability and goodwill in Afghanistan while safeguarding its regional interests. While formal recognition of the Taliban remains conditional on their renunciation of terrorism and adoption of inclusive governance, India continues to engage the Taliban to benefit the Afghan people and secure its strategic goals.

Over time, the Taliban’s behaviour may compel India and the global community to re-evaluate their stance. How the new Trump administration in the US reviews its engagement strategy with the Taliban too will have a profound effect, not only on the Taliban specifically but the Afghan people in the larger context.

But till then, India is willing to walk the tightrope between not recognising the Taliban as a legitimate government while doing its utmost for the well-being of the Afghan people, even if it comes at the cost of talking to the Taliban leadership.

Col Rajeev Agarwal is a military veteran and West Asia expert. During his service, he has been Director in Military Intelligence as well as Director in the Ministry of External Affairs. His X handle is @rajeev1421. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.